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Besides, Rebekah was the political animal in the family. Her older sister Jenji has practiced law; her younger sister Heather Sue is, like Robert, a competitive poker player. This was a relatively new phenomenon. She has four children with her French-born husband, who became an investment banker at Morgan Stanley. She started attending Koch events and donating to the Goldwater Institute, a right-wing think tank based in Arizona.


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It was in that she really attracted attention in GOP circles when, not long after Mitt Romney lost the presidential race, she stood up before a crowd of Romney supporters at the University Club of New York and delivered a scathing but detailed diatribe about his inadequate data and canvassing operation. With SCL, Rebekah finally had the chance to prove she could do better. Nix, 41, is not a data scientist his background is in financial services , but he is a showy salesman. Dressed in impeccably tailored suits, he is in his element on stage making presentations at large conferences.

He can, however, come across as arrogant. Rebekah Mercer was impressed by Nix's command of data and artistry on the polo field. Rebekah was clearly impressed by Nix. In one meeting, according to Perkins, she gushed about his polo prowess and asked him to show off cellphone photos of himself on horseback. Bannon flitted in and out.

The Billionaire's Favourite Mistake

Nix, as usual, did most of the talking. Why, then, was CA necessary at all? All modern political campaigns have to balance their need for exorbitant sums of money with the obsessions of the people who want to give them that money. He has also told people that he is careful not to get too close to the donors who make his campaigns possible, because they can be so easily annoyed by the most trivial of things—his laugh, for instance, or the way he eats a bread roll.

In the case of the Cruz campaign, the donor obsession in question was Cambridge Analytica. Wilson took notes on his computer.


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Wilson typed an emoji with rolling eyes next to the statement because it was so obvious. In response to an extensive set of questions, Nix disputed this account of the meeting. Meanwhile, the red flags kept coming.

Wilson found the data scientists that CA sent to Houston to be highly efficient at the day-to-day work of his research operation. In many previous articles the Cruz campaign have highly rated the quality of our data scientists. According to multiple people on the call, she accused Wilson of undermining CA. Bannon, meanwhile, unleashed a torrent of profanities at the Cruz team. The two sides were also diverging ideologically.

She and Bannon told Cruz that he should adopt the positions of Jeff Sessions, whose views on trade and immigration were more in line with the conservative base. Bannon who declined to comment for this article was now blatantly pro-Trump. Over the course of the primary, Breitbart would publish around 60 pieces disputing that Cruz was eligible to be president because he had been born in Canada.

Subsequently, Cruz proposed a day suspension on all H1-B visas. Meanwhile, even though the Cruz staffers generally got along well with their CA counterparts—they sometimes took the visitors country-western dancing —the firm remained a source of friction. In retrospect, Wilson told people, he believed that Nix resented the campaign for allocating work through a competitive bidding process, rather than favoring CA.

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Two weeks before the Iowa caucuses, Wilson assigned a contract to a firm called Targeted Victory. The data remained unavailable until, a Cruz campaign source said, it was pretty much too late to be useful. Cruz won the Iowa caucuses anyway. Nix said CA had intended to send the spreadsheet.

The acrimony lingered long after Cruz exited the race in May. The multiplying narratives of his win can be difficult to untangle, but it is true that his operation ran somewhat more smoothly after Rebekah Mercer helped to replace Manafort with Bannon. But one undeniable benefit of having Bannon in charge was that Rebekah trusted him.

Bannon, several sources said, can be charming when he chooses to be. And he has a record of successfully cultivating wealthy patrons for his various endeavors over the years. At the same time, certain of his ventures have involved high drama. The most spectacular example is the Biosphere 2, a self-contained ecological experiment under a giant dome in the Arizona desert that was funded by the billionaire Texan Ed Bass.

Billionaire Boss, no. 2

Hired as a financial adviser in the early s, Bannon returned in and used a court order to take over the project, following allegations that it was being mismanaged. Because of his relationship with the Mercers, Bannon was able to avoid some of the tensions over Cambridge Analytica that had plagued the Cruz campaign. Before taking the job, he phoned Brad Parscale, a year-old San Antonio web designer who had made websites for the Trump family for years.

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According to multiple sources, Parscale told Bannon that he had been hauled into an unexpected meeting with Alexander Nix earlier that summer. Parscale, who is fiercely proud of his rural Kansas roots, immediately disliked the polished Briton. Parscale and Bannon quickly bonded, seeing each other as fellow outsiders and true Trump loyalists.

Use CA as much or as little as you want. But he had his own theory [4] 4. For the most part, Rebekah kept a low profile during the last phase of the election. Trump had told Billy Bush, whoever that is, earlier this year that he was for open borders, open trade and executive actions in pursuit of gun control, we would certainly be rethinking our support for him.

https://claudiahiepel.de/wp-content/378/siz-partnersuche-lingen.php We are completely indifferent to Mr. On election night at Trump Tower, Robert Mercer was nowhere to be seen. Trump himself remained glued to the television, refusing to believe anything until victory was officially declared.

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No one I talked to recalls where Rebekah was in the blur of the celebration. But people certainly remember her presence during the transition. One night, Rebekah called Trump and told him he absolutely had to make Bannon his White House chief of staff. He was named chief strategist instead. Rebekah had more than personnel decisions on her mind, however. Rebekah wanted CA to be the data engine, which would essentially give her control of the group.

And if the venture were successful, she would have an influence over the GOP that no donor had ever pulled off. On December 14, there was a meeting to discuss the outside group in a glass-walled conference room on the 14th floor of Trump Tower. Brad Parscale sat at the head of the table. We had to rescue Brad.

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But she would subsequently complain about the exchange to Bannon and others, and continued to lobby for CA to be at the center of the new organization. Hantler, a quiet, gentlemanly sort, proposed that the venture be led by someone he knew would be acceptable to both sides: Nick Ayers, a senior adviser to Pence. Parscale is a member, and its first national TV ads have appeared. Ayers has also been cultivating a friendship with Donald Trump Jr. The Mercers, however, have withdrawn completely. Nearly every person I spoke to—Trump supporters, Cruz supporters, fellow donors, friends of Rebekah—agreed on one point: to regain some of her standing, she should fire Alexander Nix.

On December 19, Rebekah attended a memorial service in Palm Beach for Lee Hanley, who had died four days before the election. Someone who spoke to her there was expecting her to be thrilled about the election and the position she now occupied. Instead, Rebekah was very low, says this person. She complained about John Bolton being passed over.